Del Paganismo A La Santidad Pdf
After their arrival in Peru, the Jesuits encouraged a “religious” use of quipus, but they were not the first religious order to do so. Before the Jesuits, the Mercedarian Diego de Porres had recommended their use for each village to keep lists both of the Ten Commandments and of the resolutions of the First Lima Council in 1551. Acosta’s positive appreciation of the quipu is observed in a letter to Superior General Everard Mercurian dated February 15, 1577, in which he referred to their use in the doctrina, or Indian parish, in Juli:I forgot to say how in these boys who learn the doctrine I find many more skills than I thought. Following all these events, and Acosta’s reception of information about the Chinese, the author of De procuranda wrote of the Andean quipus in a new way in his Historia:The Indians in Peru did not have any kind of writing system before the Spanish arrived, neither letters, characters nor figures like in China or Mexico; but that did not mean that they did not keep the memory of their past sus antiguallas, because they were very diligent in keeping their memory. Apart from this diligence, they the Indians replaced their lack of writing and letters mostly with quipos.
Quipos consist of records made with strings, in which different knots and colors mean different things.
The second type of loanblends includes two phrases that nonetheless serve for the translation of single concepts found in the parallel Spanish text: sanctokta ruray (literally ‘to make saints’) for Spanish “sanctificar”, and Dios kay (literally ‘being God’) for “divinidad”. It should be noted that there are also occasions when Dios and the verb kay (‘to be’) together form syntactic constructions, but do not correspond to a new concept of divine nature, which is employed only when there is a need to explain the dual nature of Jesus, indicating an opposition between his ‘divinity’ and his ‘humanity’ ( runa kay). The use of ruray, a verb, which generally corresponds to material work, in sanctokta ruray, also shows that the loanblend was likely compounded by Spanish speaker.In general, the overview of the loanwords and loanblends found in the analyzed text demonstrates how the purposes of dcc determined the semantic nature of the terms loaned from Spanish and affected the regularity of their use. The propagation of the new religion naturally led to a great influx of cultural innovations, which inevitably resulted in the innovations of linguistic character. At the same time, the loanwords used by the authors of dcc were not merely associated with Christianity, but were aimed to emphasize the difference between it and the pre-conquest native beliefs, and thus the key concepts of the doctrine were expressed by loanwords, even if the translators could easily render them by using Quechua lexicon. In addition, the form by which the loanwords and loanblends are written in the Quechua text, exactly in the same manner as in the Spanish version, indicates that they had not passed a process of assimilation and probably still represented rather fresh novelties.
Thus we can assume that dcc played a certain role in their spread and absorption by the Quechua lexicon. 5 Morphosyntactic Calques, Evidentiality and Ambiguous PhenomenaAs many other Amerindian languages, Quechua is a synthetic, strongly suffixing language, and its morphology is used to communicate a large number of meanings, which in modern European languages, particularly in Spanish, are expressed analytically.
Therefore, when we refer to the influence of the language contact with Spanish either on Quechua morphology or syntax, we should be aware of a rather vague boundary between them. Precisely, if we describe some specific contact phenomenon, we can easily notice how, while originating from a syntactic construction in Spanish, it becomes a morphological one in Quechua, while still remaining a calque. Thus it is more appropriate to refer to a whole set of such phenomena as morphosyntactic calques, examples of which are demonstrated in. Here the Spanish en naturally does not designate location, but serves rather as a marker of instrumental construction; nonetheless, the translator(s) mistakenly identified en with the locative marker pi.There are other cases of the calqued use of locative, where traditional Quechua employs ‘zero’ case marker, mainly with modifiers of time. For example, in Los Mandamientos de la Yglesia we encounter constructions such as Domingocuna pi, fiestacuna pi, which literally mean “on Sundays, on holidays”.
Here the locative -pi- is applied by the analogy with Spanish en Domingos y fiestas. The forms punchaw pi (“on the day”) o pacha pi (“at the time”), especially in the phrases recounting biblical events, are also a common place.
Interestingly, the calqued use of case and number most frequently occurs in combination with other phenomena of language contact, i.e. Loanwords, neologisms or shifts of meaning. It gives an impression that lexico-semantic change also motivates a change of morphosyntactic character, as for example in the case of hanaq pacha and uku pacha, which first turned to mean ‘paradise’ and ‘hell’, and then also acquired plural number, used in Spanish for cielos/ infernos.There are also a few examples of a calqued word order in dcc. While in Spanish the most common word order is svo, Quechua has an overwhelming preference for sov. Generally, the translators managed to follow the basic word order in Quechua, but sometimes deviations occurred.
There are two constructions with svo order, in the beginning of ‘ El Credo’ (a) and in ‘ La Confesion General’ (b). 6 ConclusionsThe above examination of the Quechua corpus of the Doctrina Christiana y Catechismo provides us with a full range of language contact phenomena.
The evidence discussed here demonstrates the multifaceted influence of the Spanish language on the evangelical Quechua of dcc, including phonological, lexical and morphosyntactic changes which only obtained a standardized written form in that period. The Quechua corpus of dcc undoubtedly has a crucial significance for the historians of the language. This is particularly true with respect to the ‘ Anotaciones o Scolios de la lingua Quichua and Aimara’ and the vocabulary in the end of the book, which explains the most sophisticated and uncommon words and phrases used in the text. Hence there is a great amount of unique material that can deepen our understanding of the Quechua language before it was affected by the European influence, specifically to achieve better comprehension of its phonological and grammatical features, and to enrich our knowledge of its lexicon and phraseology.The contents of the ‘ Anotaciones o Scolios’ show, that the translators were well-informed about the peculiarities of Quechua phonology and grammar in comparison to Spanish and Latin.
Nonetheless, it did not prevent them from allowing obvious morphosyntactic calques or sometimes even inadequate translations (the latter can be also explained by a possible lack of coordination of the work of the team or carelessness on the part of one of the translators). The stylistic features of certain fragments of dcc indicate that they may have been borrowed from the translations made prior to the Third Council of Lima. On the other hand, it is also possible that different members of the team of translators worked on different parts of dcc. For example, the Quechua version of Platica is distinguished by richer stylistics and lack of morphosyntactic calques, so we can assume that it was combined by a native Quechua speaker.However, in general the regularity of most of the cases described above, especially loanwords and meaning changes, is impressive. Almost any term in the Quechua text that carries signs of European influence, either overt or covert, strictly corresponds to an analogous term in the Spanish text. Such orderliness was stipulated by the very character of the work, and since no lexical or stylistic liberties were tolerated in the case of the Spanish text, the same was to apply to the Quechua version of dcc. It should have implied a more than accurate handling of the written text and above all the use of religious terms, which were new for the native population of the Andes.
Santidad De Dios
Thus, it can be assumed that the translators were aware of most of the semantic changes introduced to Quechua as a result of the translation. Therefore, the influence of Spanish on the Quechua language of dcc turns to be more a product of deliberate action rather than a reflection of naturally occurring processes of language contact.James, while comparing the Quechua experience of language contact with Spanish to those of Nahuatl and Maya, noted that Quechua somehow possesses evidence only of the third, the latest stage of linguistic change, which includes borrowing on every possible level (lexical, semantic and syntactic). The two other stages, with more moderate influence of a donor language, characteristic for Nahuatl and Maya, remained virtually unattested. It is worth-mentioning that Lockhart in his comparison referred primarily to the written corpus created by indigenous authors, while in the case of Quechua such corpus was almost undisclosed till the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Indeed, unlike in Mexico, the written form of Quechua developed solely on behalf of the colonists. However, the period of The First Evangelization, when colonial authors strived to interpret Christian concepts using indigenous lexicon, they visibly embodied the characteristic features of Lockhart’s “Stage I”, i.e. Attempts to interpret the cultural innovations by native lexicon; moreover, the properties of the Quechua corpus of dcc (very few loanblends and neologisms, few loaned verbs, no borrowing of auxiliary words or morphemes) correspond more to “Stage 2” features than to those of “Stage 3” (: 34). This shows us that the stages of linguistic change can be represented not only by the indigenous response to contact with a European language, but also by the attitude of Europeans towards a vernacular.For the authors of dcc the ecclesiastical purity of the ultimate Quechua text was of prevalent importance, so the authenticity and richness of the vernacular in this case were somehow pushed into the background. The main purpose of the translators and their supervisors was to standardize Quechua and adapt it to the needs of unified pastoral activity, which inevitably led to the change of the language as a whole.
Como Lograr La Santidad
A number of innovations that were reinforced or put forward by the team of translators, are now considered as inherent elements of the modern Quechua. Thus, the Quechua corpus of dcc should be regarded not merely as an evidence of language contact between Spanish and Quechua, but in a certain manner as a moving force of that contact, as a carefully adjusted act of language planning, guided by representatives of higher, Spanish-speaking society.Hence the missionary purpose of dcc determined not only the character of the phenomena of language contact analyzed here, but also secured their incorporation into Quechua. It is a pity that the Aymara version of dcc still awaits its researchers, considering how scarce are the sources that could provide us with a notion of Aymara language in that remote period when, alongside Quechua, it was first adapted to writing.
Que Es La Santidad
As regards the Quechua corpus of the early colonial period it is necessary to cherish and scrupulously examine every piece of it not only investigaing and classifying the consequences of its contact with Spanish, but also attempting to reconstruct the language in its pre-conquest state, of which we do not have any direct evidence.